Op-Ed in The Hill on Killer Robots: US Must Impose Moratorium and Seek Global Ban

•24 April 2013 • Leave a Comment

TheHill Killer RobotsIn an opinion peice for The Hill’s Congress Blog this morning, I made the case for a legally-binding US moratorium on all fully autonomous armed robots (“Killer Robots”), laying the foundations for a comprehensive global ban.

“A future of proliferating autonomous armed robots able to chase down, select and fire on human beings is closer to reality than we might like to think,” says the column.

“Our most important deliberations as a human community cannot be made on auto-pilot. So the decision to kill another human being cannot be left to a machine. The norms, wisdom and custom that underlie the laws of war do not translate neatly into binary code – they require human moral reasoning and judgment.”

Yesterday, campaigners lauched the Campaign to Stop Killer Robots in London.

Click here to read my article.

Click here to learn more about killer robots.

Look Out Killer Robots — The Humans are Coming for You and Apparently They Value Their Human Rights!

•23 April 2013 • Leave a Comment

Very exciting news: At a conference today in London, international NGOs launched a much-anticipated Campaign to Stop Killer Robots, calling for a global ban on fully autonomous lethal robots. For further details on why this is so important, see this statement I co-authored for Article 36 last year, my editorial for Global Policy from November or this documentary by DroneMediaProject.

As we prepare for hard campaigning ahead, let’s remember the wise words of HG Wells, who wrote in 1919 that science and technology, “give us powers novel in history and bring mankind [sic] face to face with dangers such as it has never confronted before.” This means we can use such power to “enlarge and intensify the scope and evil of war”, but it also “render[s] possible such a reasoned coordination of human affairs as has never hitherto been conceivable.” As a result, he wrote, “It is the most obvious wisdom to set ourselves to anticipate as far as we can, so as to mitigate and control, the inevitable collisions and repercussions of mankind [sic] that are coming upon us.”

Are You a Computer Scientist, Engineer, Artificial Intelligence Expert or Robotist with a Social Conscience?

•19 April 2013 • Leave a Comment

In anticipation of the launch of the Campaign to Stop Killer Robots next week, the International Committee for Robot Arms Control is urgently seeking “Computer Scientists, Engineers, Artificial Intelligence experts, Roboticists and professionals from related disciplines” to sign a “The Scientists’ Call To Ban Autonomous Lethal Robots.” The petition states:

As Computer Scientists, Engineers, Artificial Intelligence experts, Roboticists and professionals from related disciplines, we call for a ban on the development and deployment of weapon systems in which the decision to apply violent force is made autonomously.

We are concerned about the potential of robots to undermine human responsibility in decisions to use force, and to obscure accountability for the consequences. There is already a strong international consensus that not all weapons are acceptable, as illustrated by wide adherence to the prohibitions on biological and chemical weapons as well as anti-personnel land mines. We hold that fully autonomous robots that can trigger or direct weapons fire without a human effectively in the decision loop are similarly unacceptable.

If you are an expert in the relevant disciplines please sign the petition and distribute it to your colleagues and friends. Now is the time to make a principled stand against the information technology industry’s complicity in the depersonalization of violence. Science has a social responsibility.

Click here to sign.

The Gun Lobby Joins with North Korea, Iran and Syria in Opposing Effort to Keep Weapons from Terrorists and War Criminals

•14 April 2013 • Leave a Comment

In a recent article for The Hill‘s Congress Blog, I analyzed the role of the gun lobby in the US Senate’s adoption, bya slim majority, of a nonbinding amendment condemning an Arm Trade Treaty (ATT). The ATT Resolution, co-sponsored by the US, passed the UN General Assembly in a landslide vote with only Iran, North Korea and Syria in opposition.

I explain how the ATT would benefit US national security by keeping weapons from terrorists, drug traffickers and those who commit gross violations of human rights and humanitarian law. The ATT also explicitly allows states to determine how lawful ownership is define at the national level, thus avoiding interfering with the Second Amendment of the US Constitution.

I show how the Senate vote, with only a few exceptions, was between those who receive significant campaign contributions from the National Rifle Association (NRA) and those who do not:

As a result, we have a Senate that seems more likely to seek foreign policy counsel from an ideologically reactionary lobby than its own State Department, all of its NATO allies [and Israel], 18 Nobel Peace Laureates, the human rights and humanitarian community, faith leaders and the Red Cross.

In opposing U.S. efforts to keep weapons from terrorists and human rights abusers, the gun lobby is short-circuiting national security policymaking and undermining an initiative that could save the lives not only of Americans, but people around the world.

To read the whole article, click here.

Security for Whom? Thinking Critically about Human Bodies and Security

•10 April 2013 • Leave a Comment

In January 2012 I attended a conference on public-private partnerships in security and disaster management here at Pace University, where I teach international relations. I was struck as I listened to the keynote speaker, former US Homeland Security Secretary Tom Ridge, how he seemed particularly fond of anthropomorphic and bodily metaphors. We must manage the threat of “Mother Nature,” he said. America is a nation where “we’ve never thrown up our hands” or given up in the face of adversity. He spoke of the “backbone of the nation,” of supply chains being “lifeblood.” He suggested that the answer to disaster management coordination problems was “partnership, partnership, partnership” and wanted the public sector to “sit down with the private sector.” Regarding the concept of a common emergency communications channel he said he “just want[ed] the bloody system” to get up and running.

However, when asked about the expansion of the Department of Homeland Security, Ridge said the government needed “no more people, more technology.” Despite his language being rich with human metaphors, he deployed these mostly in description of nonhuman or abstract nouns—nature, the nation, supply chains, the private sector, a communications channel. But ultimately, for Ridge, building institutions of security and resilience is not a job for “more people” but rather, of nonhuman systems. His technophilia lies within a long tradition within the American security establishment that places its faith in security through technology—a disembodied or “unmanned” security.

I beleive such unhuman, and I would argue perhaps inhumane, discourses about security also underlie efforts to justify using anti-personnel weapons like landmines and cluster munitions – and more recently autonomous armed robots – that remove human deliberation from decisions about killing.

Instead, I think we must construct institutions for security that take as a given the innate rights and entitlements that are a condition simply of being a human. But in doing so, we must recognize that conceptualizing and practicing security cannot be separated from the question of who is doing the securing and who is being secured. This requires an embodied notion of security—resilience with a human face. This will not be an easy task, for it requires us to think outside common discourses, to query divisions between “Us” and “Them,” to risk difficult questions. It will require contemplation, reflection, and a willingness to be reflexive—thinking about our own role in creating insecurity for others.

To read the critical response paper I wrote for Pace University, just published this month, click here and turn to the chapter  ”Security for Whom? Putting a Human Face on Resilience” on page 24.

The Arms Trade Treaty and Robotic Weapons

•9 April 2013 • Leave a Comment

During the Arms Trade Treaty negotiations I was involved in an effort to advocate for specific provisions to deal with the rapidly changing landscape of weapons technologies, particularly ’unmanned’ systems, such as drones and autonomous armed robots. I have posted an article about this on the website of the International Committee for Robot Arms Control (ICRAC), available here.

Arms Trade Treaty: A Victory for African States, Civil Society and Faith Groups

•8 April 2013 • Leave a Comment

ThinkAfricaPress

In a landslide UN General Assembly vote last week, representatives of the world’s governments endorsed the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT), which will control the global traffic in conventional weapons, currently so poorly regulated that the international markets in bananas, tomatoes and bubble gum are more restrictive than the trade in AK-47 assault rifles.

“After 15 long years and millions killed, maimed or traumatised by gun violence, we are finally gratified that most of the world’s countries have finally supported a humanitarian-based Arms Trade Treaty”, said Robert Mtonga, co-president of International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW) and active participant in the Africa-wide civil society campaign for the ATT. “It is not perfect, but taken as a whole, it is groundbreaking in scope, and we are hopeful the world’s countries will enact it in the most comprehensive way.”

This major development in global policymaking has largely been ignored by the news media here in the US, or focussed on how the treaty managed to bypass objections from gun lobbyists.

An overlooked angle, however, is the role of African states, civil society and faith groups in advocating for a strong ATT. In an article for Think Africa Press today, I examine how African leadership ensured that the final treaty text included provisions on small arms and light weapons, ammunition, parts and component, as well as restrictions on the flow of arms to situations of widespread human rights and humanitarian law violations or gender-based violence.

My article today follows an earlier article for Think Africa Press that examined in more depth the impact of the arms trade on the African continent, which has suffered the majority of deaths from armed violence since 1990. A 2007 investigation by Oxfam, the International Action Network on Small Arms (IANSA) and SaferWorld found that the cost of armed conflict in Africa – in military expenditures, health costs, reconstruction, lost tax revenue and depressed productivity – is approximately $18 billion a year, on average reducing a state’s economic output by 15%.

Click here to read “The Arms Trade Treaty: A Pan-African Global Policy Victory,” published 8 April 2013.

Click here to read “ATT: ‘Let the World Know that Africa Will Not Agree to a Weak Treaty,’” published 26 March 2013.

 
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